Tuesday, 31 March 2020

ACLU: The Transgender Community Needs More than Visibility

The Transgender Community Needs More than Visibility

I was fired from my job as funeral director of a Detroit-area funeral home in 2013. I always received good reviews and had recently been promoted. The reason I was fired: I am a transgender woman. 
 
What happened to me wasn’t right, and I know it happens to many other people. So I contacted the ACLU. Firing someone because of who they are is discrimination, and it’s against the law. 
 
Right now, my case is before the U.S. Supreme Court and I am waiting for a decision that could come at any moment. The question is whether transgender people have the same protections from discrimination on the basis of sex as everyone else. 
 
No matter what the court decides, transgender people will still be here and we will still be fighting for the opportunity to work, go to school, and see a doctor — just like everyone else. 
 
This journey has given me lots of time to think about the importance of transgender people being visible. On Transgender Day of Visibility, which happens annually on March 31, I’m sharing some of what visibility means to me. 
 
One of the first things that happened after my case was filed was a media story that used a photo that wasn’t of me. At that moment, I started to realize how important it was for me to be seen as myself, not just at home, not just at work, but everywhere. 
 
As more people learned my story, countless transgender people have told me how much my story has meant to them. In my own life, being able to meet other transgender people — from my neighbors in Michigan to Laverne Cox — there’s no doubt that meeting transgender people makes a difference. 

When people ask me what they can do to support transgender people, I say that you must start by being accepting and supportive of the transgender people in your life, and then start to support the transgender community. 
 
It’s not that hard to see that we exist. It’s not that hard to support us. So here are a few things I suggest you consider. 
 
If you hear someone making a joke about transgender people, say something. I am not a joke. I am a person. If you work for a business that wants to support transgender people, consider making a donation to an organization led by transgender people and make your support known to elected officials, not just your customers. If you care about transgender people and are eligible to vote, make sure you are registered and tell candidates that you support transgender people and expect them to as well. 
 
Many transgender people have experienced discrimination on the job, in school, in housing, at the doctor’s office — even at home with their family. That can make it difficult to have a job that allows you to care for yourself, let alone cover your health insurance. Transgender people often have a lot to be concerned about, and with so many people concerned about their jobs and their health at this very moment, it can be a scary time. 
 
After checking on our transgender friends, we should all be saying to elected officials that we support laws the federal Equality Act and want to see laws right here in Michigan to say that it’s wrong to discriminate against transgender people. 
 
Visibility matters. And so does action to support transgender people. 
 
For my transgender siblings: It took me many years of life to be ok with being me. And I’m happy being me. I hope you will be who you are. Speak up for yourself. Don’t hang your head in shame because somebody else doesn’t believe in what you are doing. No matter if everyone or no one knows you are transgender, you are perfect and you are as visible as you need to be.  
 
I wasn’t sure how much support I was going to receive when I filed my lawsuit. In October 2019, years after this journey began, I became the first person to have a case about the civil rights of transgender people argued before our nation’s highest court. And then when we left the courtroom to hear people chanting my name outside of the Supreme Court steps, telling me that they love me, that had a big effect on me. 
 
I hope all transgender people can feel that love and support. Not just today, but every day. 



Published April 1, 2020 at 01:53AM
via ACLU https://ift.tt/39zmO1s

ACLU: The Transgender Community Needs More than Visibility

The Transgender Community Needs More than Visibility

I was fired from my job as funeral director of a Detroit-area funeral home in 2013. I always received good reviews and had recently been promoted. The reason I was fired: I am a transgender woman. 
 
What happened to me wasn’t right, and I know it happens to many other people. So I contacted the ACLU. Firing someone because of who they are is discrimination, and it’s against the law. 
 
Right now, my case is before the U.S. Supreme Court and I am waiting for a decision that could come at any moment. The question is whether transgender people have the same protections from discrimination on the basis of sex as everyone else. 
 
No matter what the court decides, transgender people will still be here and we will still be fighting for the opportunity to work, go to school, and see a doctor — just like everyone else. 
 
This journey has given me lots of time to think about the importance of transgender people being visible. On Transgender Day of Visibility, which happens annually on March 31, I’m sharing some of what visibility means to me. 
 
One of the first things that happened after my case was filed was a media story that used a photo that wasn’t of me. At that moment, I started to realize how important it was for me to be seen as myself, not just at home, not just at work, but everywhere. 
 
As more people learned my story, countless transgender people have told me how much my story has meant to them. In my own life, being able to meet other transgender people — from my neighbors in Michigan to Laverne Cox — there’s no doubt that meeting transgender people makes a difference. 

When people ask me what they can do to support transgender people, I say that you must start by being accepting and supportive of the transgender people in your life, and then start to support the transgender community. 
 
It’s not that hard to see that we exist. It’s not that hard to support us. So here are a few things I suggest you consider. 
 
If you hear someone making a joke about transgender people, say something. I am not a joke. I am a person. If you work for a business that wants to support transgender people, consider making a donation to an organization led by transgender people and make your support known to elected officials, not just your customers. If you care about transgender people and are eligible to vote, make sure you are registered and tell candidates that you support transgender people and expect them to as well. 
 
Many transgender people have experienced discrimination on the job, in school, in housing, at the doctor’s office — even at home with their family. That can make it difficult to have a job that allows you to care for yourself, let alone cover your health insurance. Transgender people often have a lot to be concerned about, and with so many people concerned about their jobs and their health at this very moment, it can be a scary time. 
 
After checking on our transgender friends, we should all be saying to elected officials that we support laws the federal Equality Act and want to see laws right here in Michigan to say that it’s wrong to discriminate against transgender people. 
 
Visibility matters. And so does action to support transgender people. 
 
For my transgender siblings: It took me many years of life to be ok with being me. And I’m happy being me. I hope you will be who you are. Speak up for yourself. Don’t hang your head in shame because somebody else doesn’t believe in what you are doing. No matter if everyone or no one knows you are transgender, you are perfect and you are as visible as you need to be.  
 
I wasn’t sure how much support I was going to receive when I filed my lawsuit. In October 2019, years after this journey began, I became the first person to have a case about the civil rights of transgender people argued before our nation’s highest court. And then when we left the courtroom to hear people chanting my name outside of the Supreme Court steps, telling me that they love me, that had a big effect on me. 
 
I hope all transgender people can feel that love and support. Not just today, but every day. 



Published March 31, 2020 at 09:23PM
via ACLU https://ift.tt/39zmO1s

Belgium : 2020 Article IV Consultation-Press Release; Staff Report; Staff Supplement; and Statement by the Executive Director for Belgium

Belgium : 2020 Article IV Consultation-Press Release; Staff Report; Staff Supplement; and Statement by the Executive Director for Belgium
Published March 31, 2020 at 07:00AM
Read more at imf.org

Belgium : Selected Issues

Belgium : Selected Issues
Published March 31, 2020 at 07:00AM
Read more at imf.org

Monday, 30 March 2020

ACLU: Is Location Tracking Technology the Magic Pill to Stemming the Coronavirus?

Is Location Tracking Technology the Magic Pill to Stemming the Coronavirus?

This piece first appeared on Just Security.

If asked to give up their privacy in the interests of stemming the coronavirus, many Americans might be inclined to say yes. But the answer requires more nuance, both because there are serious tradeoffs to be made, and because sacrificing privacy may actually backfire.

Consider, for example, serious discussions reportedly underway between the tech industry and the White House over how our cellphone location data might be used to help in the fight against COVID-19.  Having defended privacy for 100 years, we at the American Civil Liberties Union recognize that in extraordinary times, different balances may be warranted. The virus poses grave risks, so we should not write off tools that might help mitigate the problem. But we should be skeptical about calls to embrace Chinese-style tracking as a helpful measure in the current emergency. And any uses need to incorporate privacy protections if they are not going to be counterproductive.

Some have suggested, for example, that companies might share anonymized, aggregate data to help epidemiologists answer questions such as how many people are moving between adjacent neighborhoods, towns, or states each day. Anonymization alone does not solve all privacy problems; such data can often be re-identified, for example, by tracing a person’s movements to their home and workplace. On the other hand, given the urgency of our situation, analysis of aggregate data by companies might prove valuable if it comes with strict safeguards.

There may also be other privacy-protective ways that we could make use of individualized location data once we get beyond the current world of universal social distancing and hospitals in crisis. Some experts say that we may enter a phase of chronic, lower-level waves of infection where traditional epidemiological contact tracing and targeted isolation once again become a principal means of combatting the disease. In this mode, some countries have used location data in cooperation with those who are infected to help them retrace their movements, and provide the public with lists of places and times where infected people have been each day so people can determine for themselves whether they might have been exposed.

But the risk is that without the strongest privacy safeguards, such uses of location data may deter people from stepping forward and getting tested for COVID-19 in the first place—and that serves no one’s interest. South Korea’s program, for example, which lacks such safeguards, has left many people more afraid of social humiliation than of the disease itself.
If location data is to be used, there must be strict policies ensuring that, whenever possible, the patient has consented to such uses; minimizing any data sharing; requiring deletion of the data when there is no longer a need to hold it; and, where it is anonymized, ensuring that no effort be made to re-identify it. If the government obtains any data, it must be fully transparent about what data it is acquiring, and from where, and how it is using that data. Any programs should come with clear sunsets to ensure they don’t outlive the effort against COVID-19.

If we are to deploy location data for public health, policies must also ensure that it’s not used for any purposes beyond that effort. In particular, it should not be used for punitive or law enforcement purposes. Public health experts have found that a law enforcement approach to combatting disease typically sparks counterproductive resistance and evasion, and tends to sour the relationship between citizens and their government at a time when trust is of paramount importance. Good public health measures leverage people’s own incentives to report disease and help stop its spread.

Overall, good privacy protections are vital for engendering public trust, which is vital to an effective fight against the pandemic. The lack of such safeguards risks having the opposite effect.We should also not overestimate the effectiveness of location data in fighting COVID-19 — and should be especially leery of indiscriminate mass collection of location data. The urgent need at the moment, according to public health experts, is to ramp up testing capability, suppress transmission through social distancing measures, and ready our under-prepared hospitals for a mass influx of patients who can’t breathe. We are not hearing a cry from the public health profession for phone tracking — and the last thing we want to do is divert attention, expertise, and financial resources from these critical tasks.

That’s not stopping self-interested, privacy-invading private companies from embracing the coronavirus epidemic as a way to market their products, legitimize their activities, and launder their reputations. Some of those companies engage in mass location tracking without individuals’ meaningful awareness or consent and for questionable purposes. They would no doubt love to normalize these practices and cement them in American life. We should also be closely scrutinizing any government attempts to exploit this crisis to grab additional surveillance powers not necessary for defeating COVID-19.

But even if we had more trust in the companies that are pitching these proposals, there would be significant practical and legal problems with using Americans’ mass location records to fight this disease. Technology and policy experts are saying that the tools the government might use to monitor the public’s movements and interactions won’t work against the virus. Unlike China, we do not have or want a comprehensive system for accurate tracking of every person. The data that exists is dispersed among different companies that collect it using a variety of technologies and that store it in different formats. The government would also face steep legal hurdles in demanding access to any location data.

Cell phone location data is also often unreliable. Anybody who has opened a map application only to discover that their phone thinks they are two blocks away from where they’re standing understands that this is true. Even China reportedly found that location data calculated through cell-tower triangulation generated too many false positives and was wasting manpower. This is yet another reason that government officials need to listen to stakeholders and technologists who are not trying to promote private companies’ interests in infection control programs.

We are facing a terrible crisis, and Americans are rightly frightened. Times of emergency require a different weighing of privacy considerations. We need to seriously consider how technology can help us—but we also need to make sure that, when we’ve made it past this crisis, our country isn’t transformed into a place we don’t want to live.



Published March 31, 2020 at 02:20AM
via ACLU https://ift.tt/2Jn3GZU

ACLU: Is Location Tracking Technology the Magic Pill to Stemming the Coronavirus?

Is Location Tracking Technology the Magic Pill to Stemming the Coronavirus?

This piece first appeared on Just Security.

If asked to give up their privacy in the interests of stemming the coronavirus, many Americans might be inclined to say yes. But the answer requires more nuance, both because there are serious tradeoffs to be made, and because sacrificing privacy may actually backfire.

Consider, for example, serious discussions reportedly underway between the tech industry and the White House over how our cellphone location data might be used to help in the fight against COVID-19.  Having defended privacy for 100 years, we at the American Civil Liberties Union recognize that in extraordinary times, different balances may be warranted. The virus poses grave risks, so we should not write off tools that might help mitigate the problem. But we should be skeptical about calls to embrace Chinese-style tracking as a helpful measure in the current emergency. And any uses need to incorporate privacy protections if they are not going to be counterproductive.

Some have suggested, for example, that companies might share anonymized, aggregate data to help epidemiologists answer questions such as how many people are moving between adjacent neighborhoods, towns, or states each day. Anonymization alone does not solve all privacy problems; such data can often be re-identified, for example, by tracing a person’s movements to their home and workplace. On the other hand, given the urgency of our situation, analysis of aggregate data by companies might prove valuable if it comes with strict safeguards.

There may also be other privacy-protective ways that we could make use of individualized location data once we get beyond the current world of universal social distancing and hospitals in crisis. Some experts say that we may enter a phase of chronic, lower-level waves of infection where traditional epidemiological contact tracing and targeted isolation once again become a principal means of combatting the disease. In this mode, some countries have used location data in cooperation with those who are infected to help them retrace their movements, and provide the public with lists of places and times where infected people have been each day so people can determine for themselves whether they might have been exposed.

But the risk is that without the strongest privacy safeguards, such uses of location data may deter people from stepping forward and getting tested for COVID-19 in the first place—and that serves no one’s interest. South Korea’s program, for example, which lacks such safeguards, has left many people more afraid of social humiliation than of the disease itself.
If location data is to be used, there must be strict policies ensuring that, whenever possible, the patient has consented to such uses; minimizing any data sharing; requiring deletion of the data when there is no longer a need to hold it; and, where it is anonymized, ensuring that no effort be made to re-identify it. If the government obtains any data, it must be fully transparent about what data it is acquiring, and from where, and how it is using that data. Any programs should come with clear sunsets to ensure they don’t outlive the effort against COVID-19.

If we are to deploy location data for public health, policies must also ensure that it’s not used for any purposes beyond that effort. In particular, it should not be used for punitive or law enforcement purposes. Public health experts have found that a law enforcement approach to combatting disease typically sparks counterproductive resistance and evasion, and tends to sour the relationship between citizens and their government at a time when trust is of paramount importance. Good public health measures leverage people’s own incentives to report disease and help stop its spread.

Overall, good privacy protections are vital for engendering public trust, which is vital to an effective fight against the pandemic. The lack of such safeguards risks having the opposite effect.We should also not overestimate the effectiveness of location data in fighting COVID-19 — and should be especially leery of indiscriminate mass collection of location data. The urgent need at the moment, according to public health experts, is to ramp up testing capability, suppress transmission through social distancing measures, and ready our under-prepared hospitals for a mass influx of patients who can’t breathe. We are not hearing a cry from the public health profession for phone tracking — and the last thing we want to do is divert attention, expertise, and financial resources from these critical tasks.

That’s not stopping self-interested, privacy-invading private companies from embracing the coronavirus epidemic as a way to market their products, legitimize their activities, and launder their reputations. Some of those companies engage in mass location tracking without individuals’ meaningful awareness or consent and for questionable purposes. They would no doubt love to normalize these practices and cement them in American life. We should also be closely scrutinizing any government attempts to exploit this crisis to grab additional surveillance powers not necessary for defeating COVID-19.

But even if we had more trust in the companies that are pitching these proposals, there would be significant practical and legal problems with using Americans’ mass location records to fight this disease. Technology and policy experts are saying that the tools the government might use to monitor the public’s movements and interactions won’t work against the virus. Unlike China, we do not have or want a comprehensive system for accurate tracking of every person. The data that exists is dispersed among different companies that collect it using a variety of technologies and that store it in different formats. The government would also face steep legal hurdles in demanding access to any location data.

Cell phone location data is also often unreliable. Anybody who has opened a map application only to discover that their phone thinks they are two blocks away from where they’re standing understands that this is true. Even China reportedly found that location data calculated through cell-tower triangulation generated too many false positives and was wasting manpower. This is yet another reason that government officials need to listen to stakeholders and technologists who are not trying to promote private companies’ interests in infection control programs.

We are facing a terrible crisis, and Americans are rightly frightened. Times of emergency require a different weighing of privacy considerations. We need to seriously consider how technology can help us—but we also need to make sure that, when we’ve made it past this crisis, our country isn’t transformed into a place we don’t want to live.



Published March 30, 2020 at 09:50PM
via ACLU https://ift.tt/2Jn3GZU

Performance Art: On Sharing Culture

Soraya Roberts | Longreads | March 2020 |  9 minutes (2,261 words)

The image that struck me most was the empty piazza. That Italian square — I believe it was in Venice — with no one in it. Maybe a bird or two. It looked inviting but also wholly unnatural. A city square is made for people, lots of people, people from everywhere. If people aren’t there, does it cease to be a square? I wondered the same thing about the Louvre and its tens of thousands of objects with no one to look at them — is it still a museum, or is it just a warehouse? I wondered about all those Berlin concert halls with no one to hear their music, all those Indian cinemas with no one to watch their films, all those crumbling ruins everywhere, standing there with no tourists to behold them or to record that beholding for everyone else. At this particular point in history, does art exist if we aren’t sharing it? 

By sharing I mean not only sharing a moment with the art itself, but also sharing the space with other people, and more literally, sharing all of that online — posting updates on Facebook, photos on Twitter, videos on TikTok, stories on Instagram. This kind of “sharing” is constriction rather than expansion, regressing back to the word’s etymological root of “cutting apart.” This contortion of a selfless act into a selfish one is symptomatic of a society that expects everyone to fend for themselves: Sharing online is not so much about enlightening others as it is about spotlighting yourself. It’s impossible to disconnect the images of those now-empty spots from the continuous splash of reports about the coronavirus pandemic gouging the global economy. In America, the economy is the culture is the people. Americans are not citizens; they are, as the president recently put it, “consumers.” And on the web, consuming means sharing that consumption with everyone else. That the images suddenly being shared are empty exposes the big con — that in reality, no one has really been sharing anything. That social distancing is nothing new.

* * *

Even before Hollywood started postponing all of its blockbusters and talk shows started filming without audiences and festivals started to dismantle and bands canceled their tours and sports seasons suspended indefinitely, the public was turning on cultural institutions run by a subset of morally dubious elites. In December 2018, protesters at the Whitney Museum of American Art burned sage (“smoke that chokes the powerful but smells sweet to us”) and forced the departure of the board’s vice chairman, Warren Kanders, the CEO of the company that manufactures tear gas that has reportedly been used at the border. Two months later, artist Nan Goldin, who had a three-year opioid addiction, led a “die-in” at the Guggenheim over the museum’s financial ties to the Sackler family, the Purdue Pharma founders who many hold responsible for the opioid crisis. In the U.K., the Tate Modern and Tate Britain also dropped the Sacklers, while climate activists pulled a Trojan Horse into the courtyard of the British Museum to protest the sponsorship of an exhibition by oil and gas company BP. As performance artist Andrea Fraser, known for her institutional critiques, wrote in 2012, “It is clear that the contemporary art world has been a direct beneficiary of the inequality of which the outsized rewards of Wall Street are only the most visible example.” 

If that recent exhibition of impressionist paintings seemed oddly familiar, or that ballet you just saw appears to keep coming back around, or that one classical musician looks like he’s hired nonstop, it’s not your imagination. It’s a function of that exclusive control, of the same artists, the same works, the same ideas being circulated (“shared”?) by the same gatekeepers over and over and over again. “Far from becoming less elitist, ever-more-popular museums have become vehicles for the mass-marketing of elite tastes and practices,” wrote Fraser in Artforum in 2005. Which is why certain names you wouldn’t think would cross over — from contemporary artist Jeff Koons to art-house filmmaker Terrence Malick — are more widely known than others. According to The New York Times in 2018, only two of the top 10 all-white art museum chairs in the country are women. And almost half of the 500-plus people on the boards of the 10 most popular American museums have become rich off the finance industry, while many others owe their wealth to oil and gas; the small group that is responsible for exploiting the world is the same group that is responsible for its enlightenment. They determine which pieces of art are bought, how they are curated, and how they are disseminated — theirs are the tastes and practices we are sharing.

With this “increasingly monopolized market and increasing parochialism,” German artist Hito Steyerl explained last year, “a sense of international perspective gets lost, which is a wider sign of rampant isolationism.” And this doesn’t just apply to high arts, but “low” arts as well; movies, music, television, theater, books have all been corporatized to the extreme, with huge amounts of money going to a few while the majority lose out. This is how you get a never-ending Marvel Cinematic Universe, but Leslie Harris — the first African American woman to win a Dramatic Feature Competition special jury prize at Sundance for writing, directing, and producing her 1993 film Just Another Girl on the I.R.T. — still can’t get a second feature off the ground. 

While public funding for the arts has plummeted since the ’80s, however, the web has increasingly encouraged public sharing of its consumption on social media. Online, we look more traveled, more cultured, more inclusive than ever before. And it’s difficult to argue that wider access to art, that our increasing proximity to foreign cultures, could be wrong. But if you look closer, you notice that all this connectivity is largely superficial — it is heavily prescribed and strongly overlaps. The latter-day bourgeoisie all travel to Portugal at the same time, all visit the same Marina Abramovic exhibit, all watch the same Agnes Varda films, attend the same Phoenix tour. They clamor less to immerse themselves than to record and reproduce everything they have experienced, their distraction expressed by the ever-growing collection of imagery memorializing all the different experiences they’ve had — the same kind of different as everyone else’s.

“An idea of progressive internationalism,” Steyerl told Ocula magazine, “is progressively abandoned or gets snowed under constant waves of affect and outrage manipulated by monopolist platforms, and solidarity is swapped for identity.” In other words, all of this supposed sharing is really a tech-sanctioned performance of capitalism to showcase one’s value in a toxic din of competing consumers. The more photogenic the better, which means the less nuance, the better; think the Museum of Ice Cream, which costs almost 40 bucks for access to photo-friendly adult playgrounds — “environments that foster IRL interaction and URL connections” — like a “Sprinkle Pool” of multi-colored biodegradable bits you can’t actually eat. And the more recognizable the look (see: the retro aesthetic of any teen Netflix show), the more heady words like “nostalgia” become a proxy for depth that isn’t actually there. As we speed online through Steyerl’s distracted fragmentary so-called “junktime,” we quickly compound what she dubs “circulationism,” propagating images with the most power, giving them even more power. Standing next to the Mona Lisa, for instance, offers greater token currency among a wider set than standing next to anything by Kara Walker, who speaks to a more immersed but smaller audience. Either way, online, currency is king.


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Culture has, above all, become a mark of personal wealth. When Americans share their experiences on social media, they are sharing their cultural capital with a neoliberal society that defines them by it. This is a result of the culture war Fraser recognized several years ago, which “has effectively identified class privilege and hierarchy with cultural and educational rather than economic capital.” But, again, economics ultimately rules. While the poor may be allowed to briefly occupy the space of cultural capital, it is the rich who own it, who offer it up for limited consumption.

Yet the desperation to share, to express one’s value in a world that is so intent on devaluing us all, is deeply human. Which is why you get people Photoshopping themselves onto famous backdrops, which, from a cultural capital perspective, is no different from being there — on social media a photograph is a photograph, and the real Sistine Chapel looks the same as the Etsy wallpaper reproduction. People have always consumed art partly for the cultural capital rather than just the personal enrichment, but now the goal is to broadcast the enrichment itself to the public: sharing one’s consumption of the aura has priority over one’s actual consumption of the aura. Though a hierarchy persists even here. The authentic art consumer, the one who actually experiences the work in person, looks down upon the forger. As Walter Benjamin wrote, the aura of a piece of art is tied to its presence, which can’t be replicated. Which is to say the essence of art can only be experienced through the art itself — a picture can’t recreate it, but it does make its shared image more valuable. 

It’s apt that right now, in the midst of a pandemic, the popularity of a cultural site can kill and that virtual tours are being encouraged over actual ones. What better way to illustrate that our increasingly insular art world has not in fact connected us at all, but has done the opposite? As Steyerl noted in e-flux magazine in 2015, the Louvre, that model of national culture, was a “feudal collection of spoils” before revolutionaries turned it into a public museum, “the cultural flagship of a colonial empire that tried to authoritatively seed that culture elsewhere, before more recently going into the business of trying to create franchises in feudal states, dictatorships, and combinations thereof.” Those with the means flock to symbols of elitism like this, not to widen their perspective in solidarity with the world, not to connect with a community of strangers, but to bolster their own value locally by sharing the encounter online. This is not globalism; this is the neoliberal stand-in for it.

All of that foot traffic, all of that online diffusion, is an expression of how we have commodified the individual consumption of art to the point that it looks like we are sharing it with others. We aren’t. We are instead dutifully promoting ourselves as valuable consumers in the capitalist community we are complicit in perpetuating. “It’s not a question of inside or outside, or the number and scale of various organized sites for the production, presentation, and distribution of art,” wrote Fraser in Artforum. “It’s not a question of being against the institution: We are the institution.”

* * *

One of the last movies I saw in the cinema before they started closing down was The Invisible Man. It was a perfect example of how a public screening can tell you what streaming cannot — in real time, you can gauge by the reactions around you whether or not it will be a hit. As with certain art installations, you are experiencing not only the art, but also simultaneously others’ experience with it. In that theater, we screamed and laughed and sat agog together. It was a spark of community that extinguished the moment the lights lifted. A few weeks later, these same strangers who shared that moment of emotion together, headed to supermarkets to empty out toilet roll aisles, buy up all the disinfectant, and clear out the fresh meat despite a collective need for it. These same strangers who in concert cheered on an oppressed heroine, went on to unashamedly side-eye the Asians in their community. Individuals in North American society can occasionally partake in a cultural experience with their neighbors, but in the end it’s to exhibit their own counterfeit edification. It’s telling that the big tech these individuals ultimately share their consumption on — Twitter, Facebook, TikTok, Tumblr, Instagram — rarely funds the arts.

Which brings us back to those empty images from the start of this essay. Proliferating photographs of abandoned culture, of objects ignored, confront the hollowness of online sharing. Social media implies connection, but the context of its shares is as important as the context of art’s production and neither can be divorced from the hierarchies in which they reside. No wonder our meagre individual expressions of value dictated by capitalist enterprise fit perfectly within a capitalist enterprise that profits off our inability to ever sate ourselves. The only way to really share — with art, with each other — is to remove sharing from this construct. The only way to really connect — to support a collective of artists, to support a collective of human beings — is to distance ourselves from the misguided values we have internalized.

“At its most utopian, the digital revolution opens up a new dematerialized, deauthored, and unmarketable reality of collective culture,” writes Claire Bishop in Artforum. Under a worldwide pandemic, we see a move toward this — individuals freely leaking their cultural subscriptions, artists offering performances for nothing, even institutions waiving fees for access to their virtual collections. While the vulnerability spreading across America right now is ordinarily framed as weakness in the landscape of capitalist bravado, it is central to real sharing and offers a rare chance to dismantle the virulent elitism that has landed us here. It’s unfortunate that it takes a dystopia, a global interruption of the systems in place, to see what a utopia can be — one in which sharing is about the creation and cultivation of community, a reality that only exists outside the one we have built.

* * *

Soraya Roberts is a culture columnist at Longreads.

Kuwait : 2020 Article IV Consultation-Press Release; Staff Report; and Staff Supplement

Kuwait : 2020 Article IV Consultation-Press Release; Staff Report; and Staff Supplement
Published March 30, 2020 at 07:00AM
Read more at imf.org

Friday, 27 March 2020

Kyrgyz Republic : Request for Purchase Under the Rapid Financing Instrument and Disbursement Under the Rapid Credit Facility-Press Release; Staff Report; Informational Annex; and Debt Sustainability Analysis

Kyrgyz Republic : Request for Purchase Under the Rapid Financing Instrument and Disbursement Under the Rapid Credit Facility-Press Release; Staff Report; Informational Annex; and Debt Sustainability Analysis
Published March 27, 2020 at 07:00AM
Read more at imf.org

ACLU: Those “Free” Remote Learning Apps Have a High Cost: Your Student’s Privacy

Those “Free” Remote Learning Apps Have a High Cost: Your Student’s Privacy

The COVID-19 coronavirus outbreak that has ravaged our nation and world has had many jarring moments. For parents and their children, one of those came with the mass closing of our schools. Tens of millions of children faced having their educations grind to a halt, including 1.1 million children in New York City’s public schools alone — a number which includes two of my own.

While Americans have grown understandably weary of the tech industry, which repeatedly puts its profits ahead of Americans’ personal privacy, recent offers by companies like Google (via its Google Classroom app) and GoGuardian to provide their remote learning platforms to students for free during the pandemic seemed like a godsend. After all, it would enable U.S. students, at no cost, to continue to learn from the safety of their own homes. 

Maybe the tech industry tiger is changing its stripes. Or maybe the tech industry devil just glued a fake halo on top of its horns. The answer to that question all depends on whether they will insist on undermining students’ privacy as a condition of helping them.

For years, the ACLU has expressed concerns about how the tech industry’s educational products — often classified under the name EdTech — are used to gather massive amounts of highly personal student information. Further, some of these products troublingly enable EdTech companies and schools to spy on students despite no evidence of wrongdoing — a practice that further exacerbates the over-disciplining of students of color. We at the ACLU have launched national efforts to encourage states to pass laws protecting student privacy, offered suites of model bills to assist their efforts, and spoken out against ever-increasing student privacy invasions.
Now that the COVID-19 pandemic has created an unprecedented opportunity for EdTech companies to make the use of their privacy-violating educational products nearly universal, there is a real risk that these companies, under the guise of a generous act, will use this opportunity to create personal information dossiers on an entire generation of young Americans.

One could argue that such an interpretation is very cynical; it is a textbook example of looking a gift horse in the mouth. Perhaps it is. In fairness, the tech industry has made trillions of dollars giving away “free” products that are not actually free: Americans, knowingly or unknowingly, pay for their products by giving them troves of personal information, which the companies then use to make staggering profits.

The good news is that Americans and their governments should not — and do not have to — feel trapped into choosing between students’ education and privacy rights. There is a simple, four-part approach governments and school districts can and should take when accepting (or continuing to use) the “free” remote learning platforms EdTech companies like Google and GoGuardian have offered.  If these EdTech companies are truly acting in the best interests of students and teachers here, they shouldn’t object at all.

It’s as simple as this:

Step One: To the extent these remote learning platforms are being provided for free specifically to help students learn remotely, that is a wonderful act and should be appreciated. Let’s start by thanking these EdTech companies for their generosity.

Step Two: Use of these “free” remote learning platforms, which will likely feel mandatory for students and families during this crisis, should not be conditioned on students allowing EdTech companies to gather up and retain their private and personal information. Governments, including school districts, should insist EdTech companies limit their personal information gathering to only what is directly necessary for their platforms’ remote learning functionality. Moreover, these EdTech companies should be required to expunge all the personal information they gather during this crisis when it resolves, unless a student specifically opts-in to it being retained (via a clear, post-crisis request, and not as part of a broad user agreement they sign now under pressure).

Step Three: Governments and school districts should insist EdTech companies disable any surveillance functions that may accompany their remote learning platforms, including communications and social media monitoring, keyword alerts, and web filtering functions.  Students and their families need these platforms to learn at home, not to allow companies and school districts to spy on them; receiving the former should not be conditioned on exposing oneself to the latter.

Step Four:  To ensure the EdTech companies keep their promises, they should consent to government auditing of their compliance after the pandemic subsides.
If the EdTech companies are truly providing their remote learning platforms for free to help students and their families during this terrible and challenging time, they should have no problem instantly agreeing to these conditions.  If they balk, we will know they are once again the devil in disguise.



Published March 27, 2020 at 06:49PM
via ACLU https://ift.tt/2wJyX6p

ACLU: Those “Free” Remote Learning Apps Have a High Cost: Your Student’s Privacy

Those “Free” Remote Learning Apps Have a High Cost: Your Student’s Privacy

The COVID-19 coronavirus outbreak that has ravaged our nation and world has had many jarring moments. For parents and their children, one of those came with the mass closing of our schools. Tens of millions of children faced having their educations grind to a halt, including 1.1 million children in New York City’s public schools alone — a number which includes two of my own.

While Americans have grown understandably weary of the tech industry, which repeatedly puts its profits ahead of Americans’ personal privacy, recent offers by companies like Google (via its Google Classroom app) and GoGuardian to provide their remote learning platforms to students for free during the pandemic seemed like a godsend. After all, it would enable U.S. students, at no cost, to continue to learn from the safety of their own homes. 

Maybe the tech industry tiger is changing its stripes. Or maybe the tech industry devil just glued a fake halo on top of its horns. The answer to that question all depends on whether they will insist on undermining students’ privacy as a condition of helping them.

For years, the ACLU has expressed concerns about how the tech industry’s educational products — often classified under the name EdTech — are used to gather massive amounts of highly personal student information. Further, some of these products troublingly enable EdTech companies and schools to spy on students despite no evidence of wrongdoing — a practice that further exacerbates the over-disciplining of students of color. We at the ACLU have launched national efforts to encourage states to pass laws protecting student privacy, offered suites of model bills to assist their efforts, and spoken out against ever-increasing student privacy invasions.
Now that the COVID-19 pandemic has created an unprecedented opportunity for EdTech companies to make the use of their privacy-violating educational products nearly universal, there is a real risk that these companies, under the guise of a generous act, will use this opportunity to create personal information dossiers on an entire generation of young Americans.

One could argue that such an interpretation is very cynical; it is a textbook example of looking a gift horse in the mouth. Perhaps it is. In fairness, the tech industry has made trillions of dollars giving away “free” products that are not actually free: Americans, knowingly or unknowingly, pay for their products by giving them troves of personal information, which the companies then use to make staggering profits.

The good news is that Americans and their governments should not — and do not have to — feel trapped into choosing between students’ education and privacy rights. There is a simple, four-part approach governments and school districts can and should take when accepting (or continuing to use) the “free” remote learning platforms EdTech companies like Google and GoGuardian have offered.  If these EdTech companies are truly acting in the best interests of students and teachers here, they shouldn’t object at all.

It’s as simple as this:

Step One: To the extent these remote learning platforms are being provided for free specifically to help students learn remotely, that is a wonderful act and should be appreciated. Let’s start by thanking these EdTech companies for their generosity.

Step Two: Use of these “free” remote learning platforms, which will likely feel mandatory for students and families during this crisis, should not be conditioned on students allowing EdTech companies to gather up and retain their private and personal information. Governments, including school districts, should insist EdTech companies limit their personal information gathering to only what is directly necessary for their platforms’ remote learning functionality. Moreover, these EdTech companies should be required to expunge all the personal information they gather during this crisis when it resolves, unless a student specifically opts-in to it being retained (via a clear, post-crisis request, and not as part of a broad user agreement they sign now under pressure).

Step Three: Governments and school districts should insist EdTech companies disable any surveillance functions that may accompany their remote learning platforms, including communications and social media monitoring, keyword alerts, and web filtering functions.  Students and their families need these platforms to learn at home, not to allow companies and school districts to spy on them; receiving the former should not be conditioned on exposing oneself to the latter.

Step Four:  To ensure the EdTech companies keep their promises, they should consent to government auditing of their compliance after the pandemic subsides.
If the EdTech companies are truly providing their remote learning platforms for free to help students and their families during this terrible and challenging time, they should have no problem instantly agreeing to these conditions.  If they balk, we will know they are once again the devil in disguise.



Published March 28, 2020 at 12:19AM
via ACLU https://ift.tt/2wJyX6p

Thursday, 26 March 2020

Myanmar : 2019 Article IV Consultation-Press Release; Staff Report; and Statement by the Executive Director for Myanmar

Myanmar : 2019 Article IV Consultation-Press Release; Staff Report; and Statement by the Executive Director for Myanmar
Published March 26, 2020 at 07:00AM
Read more at imf.org

ACLU: Asylum Seekers Stranded in Mexico Face a New Danger: COVID-19

Asylum Seekers Stranded in Mexico Face a New Danger: COVID-19

Since the Trump Administration first unrolled its policy of forcing migrants to wait in Mexico for their asylum hearings, advocates have been warning that the practice places them in danger. Now, the global coronavirus outbreak is putting an exclamation point on those warnings and adding a new, frightening layer of risk into the lives of asylum seekers stuck in Northern Mexico.

On Monday, reports emerged of asylum seekers who were scheduled to appear in court in the U.S. instead being turned back from border checkpoints by Customs and Border Protection (CBP) officers. That evening, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) announced that all hearings for asylum seekers returned to Mexico up to April 22nd would be rescheduled.

According to an attorney based in El Paso, Texas, those hearings are being pushed to late April or early May, although there is no guarantee that the outbreak will have abated by then.

Meanwhile, many asylum seekers have been stuck in dangerous border cities for months, waiting. Health workers say that now they are vulnerable to the COVID-19 pandemic in ways that would have been avoided if they had been admitted and released into the U.S. for their proceedings.

Under the “Migrant Protection Protocols” (MPP), around 60,000 people have been forced to wait in Mexico while their requests for protection in the U.S. are weighed by the courts. Over 17,000 of them are still waiting on upcoming hearings — more than 6,500 for at least six months.

Last Friday, the U.S. and Mexico announced they were closing the border to “non-essential” travel and the Centers for Disease Control released a public health order suspending “the introduction of certain persons” into the U.S. The order will likely be used to sharply curtail access to the asylum system for anyone who arrives at the border right now.

A woman sits outside in an empty lot in Ciudad Juarez, Mexico at sunset, with her head hanging down, and a line of outhouses across the lot.

For those who were already returned to Mexico under the MPP — many of whom are fleeing political persecution, gang violence, and abuse at home — an uncertain future now looms.
 
For the past year, advocates have criticized the MPP as a cruel policy meant to deter people from seeking asylum in the U.S. by forcing them to stay in dangerous areas during a long, drawn-out legal process. Many asylum seekers who return to Mexico under the policy wind up in overcrowded migrant shelters or in some cases, sprawling tent camps near the border.
 
Thus far, no cases of COVID-19 have been reported among any asylum seekers in Mexico. But the numbers of people infected with the disease in states like California and Texas are growing, raising concerns in previous weeks that asylum seekers who attended their hearings could bring the virus back into Mexico with them after being exposed inside the U.S.
 
Linda Rivas, executive director of the El Paso-based legal services organization Las Americas, said last week a client of hers chose to skip a court date she’d been waiting on for months rather than risk entering the U.S.
 
“The idea of having to go back and forth and then going into the shelter space is just really scary,” said Rivas. “The cell phones that we have dedicated for our MPP clients are ringing off the hook. Lots of questions, lots of doubts.”
 
Tania Guerrero, an attorney with the Washington, D.C.-based Catholic Legal Immigration Network, says the federal migrant shelter in Ciudad Juarez has begun to implement precautionary measures, but she fears what might happen if an asylum seeker there contracts the disease.
 
“There’s no social distance,” she said. “Now at least people aren’t on the floor, they have bunk beds, but they’re all crammed into one huge room in a warehouse.”
 
Guerrero said the shelter is now requiring staff and volunteers to wear surgical masks as well as recording the temperature of its residents when they return to the facility:
 
“If you leave, you might not be able to come back. And that’s not just out of fear, it’s out of precaution.”

Three children sit down while eating food, backs turned to the camera. In front of them stand men, women, and children in a lot full of tents where they stay. Taken in Matamoros, Mexico.

On the other end of the Texas border, in Matamoros, Mexico — where a tent camp with thousands of asylum seekers has sprung up — humanitarian relief workers say an outbreak of COVID-19 could be catastrophic.
 
Helen Perry, the director of Global Response Management (GRM), an aid organization that provides medical services to the camp’s residents, says she’s bracing for the arrival of the virus.
 
“The camp is close living quarters. Showers, kitchens, sinks, and bathrooms are all communal. They’re kind of crammed in there,” she said.
 
GRM is making plans to build a 20-bed field hospital with the capacity to do basic bloodwork and intravenous rehydration, which she hopes could keep moderate cases from becoming severe if there is an outbreak.
 
“People here are walking around moderately malnourished or chronically dehydrated, and 25 percent of them have underlying chronic health conditions like diabetes and hypertension,” she said. “We feel like we have to react and be able to offer care that could keep them from getting chronically ill and needing to be intubated.”
 
According to Perry, Matamoros has only ten total ventilators in the entire city. Tensions between residents of Matamoros and people living in the camp have spiked since anti-MPP protests temporarily shut down traffic at a major border checkpoints in January, and Perry worries about what could happen if someone in the camp contracts the virus.
 
“There is already stigma that exists against individuals in the camp,” she said.
 
The ACLU sued to end the MPP not long after it first went into effect in Tijuana, Mexico. On February 28th, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled in favor of the ACLU in the suit, agreeing with a lower court that it should be blocked. But on March 11th, the Supreme Court stepped in and stayed the Ninth Circuit’s order, allowing the policy to remain in effect.
 
Now, because of that policy, asylum seekers in Northern Mexico who traveled to the U.S. hoping to find safety will have to face the COVID-19 outbreak in an environment that was already precarious, and which has now become even more unsafe.
 
If the disease becomes widespread in Northern Mexico, asylum seekers from Central America and elsewhere are unlikely to be at the front of the line for a health care system with limited resources. And with their legal process delayed by at least a month or more, there is no way to tell what the ultimate impact of the crisis will be on their efforts to find safety.
 
“We’re worried about them,” said Guerrero. “They’ve been in limbo for so long, you know?”



Published March 26, 2020 at 11:55PM
via ACLU https://ift.tt/33S7Hif

ACLU: Asylum Seekers Stranded in Mexico Face a New Danger: COVID-19

Asylum Seekers Stranded in Mexico Face a New Danger: COVID-19

Since the Trump Administration first unrolled its policy of forcing migrants to wait in Mexico for their asylum hearings, advocates have been warning that the practice places them in danger. Now, the global coronavirus outbreak is putting an exclamation point on those warnings and adding a new, frightening layer of risk into the lives of asylum seekers stuck in Northern Mexico.

On Monday, reports emerged of asylum seekers who were scheduled to appear in court in the U.S. instead being turned back from border checkpoints by Customs and Border Protection (CBP) officers. That evening, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) announced that all hearings for asylum seekers returned to Mexico up to April 22nd would be rescheduled.

According to an attorney based in El Paso, Texas, those hearings are being pushed to late April or early May, although there is no guarantee that the outbreak will have abated by then.

Meanwhile, many asylum seekers have been stuck in dangerous border cities for months, waiting. Health workers say that now they are vulnerable to the COVID-19 pandemic in ways that would have been avoided if they had been admitted and released into the U.S. for their proceedings.

Under the “Migrant Protection Protocols” (MPP), around 60,000 people have been forced to wait in Mexico while their requests for protection in the U.S. are weighed by the courts. Over 17,000 of them are still waiting on upcoming hearings — more than 6,500 for at least six months.

Last Friday, the U.S. and Mexico announced they were closing the border to “non-essential” travel and the Centers for Disease Control released a public health order suspending “the introduction of certain persons” into the U.S. The order will likely be used to sharply curtail access to the asylum system for anyone who arrives at the border right now.

A woman sits outside in an empty lot in Ciudad Juarez, Mexico at sunset, with her head hanging down, and a line of outhouses across the lot.

For those who were already returned to Mexico under the MPP — many of whom are fleeing political persecution, gang violence, and abuse at home — an uncertain future now looms.
 
For the past year, advocates have criticized the MPP as a cruel policy meant to deter people from seeking asylum in the U.S. by forcing them to stay in dangerous areas during a long, drawn-out legal process. Many asylum seekers who return to Mexico under the policy wind up in overcrowded migrant shelters or in some cases, sprawling tent camps near the border.
 
Thus far, no cases of COVID-19 have been reported among any asylum seekers in Mexico. But the numbers of people infected with the disease in states like California and Texas are growing, raising concerns in previous weeks that asylum seekers who attended their hearings could bring the virus back into Mexico with them after being exposed inside the U.S.
 
Linda Rivas, executive director of the El Paso-based legal services organization Las Americas, said last week a client of hers chose to skip a court date she’d been waiting on for months rather than risk entering the U.S.
 
“The idea of having to go back and forth and then going into the shelter space is just really scary,” said Rivas. “The cell phones that we have dedicated for our MPP clients are ringing off the hook. Lots of questions, lots of doubts.”
 
Tania Guerrero, an attorney with the Washington, D.C.-based Catholic Legal Immigration Network, says the federal migrant shelter in Ciudad Juarez has begun to implement precautionary measures, but she fears what might happen if an asylum seeker there contracts the disease.
 
“There’s no social distance,” she said. “Now at least people aren’t on the floor, they have bunk beds, but they’re all crammed into one huge room in a warehouse.”
 
Guerrero said the shelter is now requiring staff and volunteers to wear surgical masks as well as recording the temperature of its residents when they return to the facility:
 
“If you leave, you might not be able to come back. And that’s not just out of fear, it’s out of precaution.”

Three children sit down while eating food, backs turned to the camera. In front of them stand men, women, and children in a lot full of tents where they stay. Taken in Matamoros, Mexico.

On the other end of the Texas border, in Matamoros, Mexico — where a tent camp with thousands of asylum seekers has sprung up — humanitarian relief workers say an outbreak of COVID-19 could be catastrophic.
 
Helen Perry, the director of Global Response Management (GRM), an aid organization that provides medical services to the camp’s residents, says she’s bracing for the arrival of the virus.
 
“The camp is close living quarters. Showers, kitchens, sinks, and bathrooms are all communal. They’re kind of crammed in there,” she said.
 
GRM is making plans to build a 20-bed field hospital with the capacity to do basic bloodwork and intravenous rehydration, which she hopes could keep moderate cases from becoming severe if there is an outbreak.
 
“People here are walking around moderately malnourished or chronically dehydrated, and 25 percent of them have underlying chronic health conditions like diabetes and hypertension,” she said. “We feel like we have to react and be able to offer care that could keep them from getting chronically ill and needing to be intubated.”
 
According to Perry, Matamoros has only ten total ventilators in the entire city. Tensions between residents of Matamoros and people living in the camp have spiked since anti-MPP protests temporarily shut down traffic at a major border checkpoints in January, and Perry worries about what could happen if someone in the camp contracts the virus.
 
“There is already stigma that exists against individuals in the camp,” she said.
 
The ACLU sued to end the MPP not long after it first went into effect in Tijuana, Mexico. On February 28th, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled in favor of the ACLU in the suit, agreeing with a lower court that it should be blocked. But on March 11th, the Supreme Court stepped in and stayed the Ninth Circuit’s order, allowing the policy to remain in effect.
 
Now, because of that policy, asylum seekers in Northern Mexico who traveled to the U.S. hoping to find safety will have to face the COVID-19 outbreak in an environment that was already precarious, and which has now become even more unsafe.
 
If the disease becomes widespread in Northern Mexico, asylum seekers from Central America and elsewhere are unlikely to be at the front of the line for a health care system with limited resources. And with their legal process delayed by at least a month or more, there is no way to tell what the ultimate impact of the crisis will be on their efforts to find safety.
 
“We’re worried about them,” said Guerrero. “They’ve been in limbo for so long, you know?”



Published March 26, 2020 at 06:25PM
via ACLU https://ift.tt/33S7Hif

Wednesday, 25 March 2020

Republic of Fiji : 2019 Article IV Consultation-Press Release; Staff Report; and Statement by the Executive Director for the Republic of Fiji

Republic of Fiji : 2019 Article IV Consultation-Press Release; Staff Report; and Statement by the Executive Director for the Republic of Fiji
Published March 25, 2020 at 07:00AM
Read more at imf.org

ACLU: Living with COVID — in an Immigration Jail

Living with COVID — in an Immigration Jail

Many of us are scared for our families and friends right now because of COVID-19. Every day we learn new information about the virus. Today we know that all of us, even the young and healthy, are at risk of this disease and serious complications from it. We cope and try to make ourselves safer, whether by social distancing, washing our hands more, or eating nutrition-packed meals.

But people in government custody — including the 37,000 immigrants held in immigration jails and prisons throughout the country, and thousands more held near the border — don’t have these options.  They are being held in deadly conditions. That is why in addition to calling on public officials to downsize prisons and jails in the criminal legal system, the ACLU is calling on the government to utilize all available options to reduce the number of people in immigration detention. Ultimately, no one, whether they are a citizen or an immigrant, should be forced to live in conditions that imperil their lives during this public health crisis.

Immigrants in government custody are forced to live, sleep, and eat together. Some spend nearly all day in large rooms filled with closely packed bunk beds, or just long concrete benches. Others live in dank two-person cells, sometimes with minimal ventilation. Dozens of people share toilets and showers, sometimes with no divider and without disinfection between use. Social distancing is not an option. With everything we’ve learned from the Centers for Disease Control, we know these conditions are dangerous, even deadly.

For immigrants in detention, the tools for basic hygiene aren’t available either. Many people don’t have access to soap, let alone hand sanitizer. In Border Patrol stations, many immigrants are detained in overcrowded cells without ready access to sinks and showers. Detained people have described feeling like “sitting ducks, waiting to be infected.” One detained man in New Jersey said he and others were on a hunger strike to try to obtain soap and toilet paper — and that guards reportedly said, “Well, you’re going to have to die of something.”

It can be hard if not impossible to get medical attention, including access to previously prescribed medications. For example, it is not uncommon for detained immigrants to be given Tylenol for serious illnesses, including HIV and pneumonia. It’s no wonder that since October, 10 people have died in ICE custody. And over the past two years, at least seven children have died in CBP custody or shortly after being released, many after receiving delayed medical care or being denied care altogether.

The ACLU has long said that the vast majority of people in immigration jails are being detained unnecessarily. They are being held for processing at the border, or are awaiting their immigration hearings or another administrative action — yet they have completely lost their liberty. COVID-19 lays bare the injustice, and the often life-or-death stakes, of their detention. As public health experts have already stated, “social distancing through release is necessary to slow transmission of infection.” ICE and CBP must immediately start reducing the number of people in detention, starting with the most vulnerable, to prevent the continued spread of COVID-19 to both people in immigration jails, and the staff who work in them.

We are far from alone in raising the alarm bells on this. There is an “imminent risk to the health and safety of immigrant detainees,” according to physicians who have investigated immigration prisons on behalf of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and are experts in the field of detention health. They’ve warned that once an outbreak occurs in immigration detention, it will spread quickly and have a devastating impact.

Mass incarceration of immigrants also risks the health and safety of the people who work in these facilities, as well as the communities they return home to. Last week, ICE told Congress it would “utilize alternatives to detention, as appropriate,” but an ICE official later reportedly clarified, “there has been no announcement related to releasing individuals that are currently detained.”

We don’t know how serious the government is about utilizing alternatives. But we do know that options for reducing detention are already on the table. As we pointed out in our lawsuit,
Dawson v. Asher, DHS could use its parole authority to release people on medical grounds, including people whom the CDC and other medical experts have identified are particularly at risk: those over 50 and those who have an underlying medical condition, such as lung or heart disease.
DHS has a range of options to release people from detention: on bond, humanitarian parole, or an alternative-to-detention program. Even a former ICE chief, John Sandweg, called on ICE to utilize its options, warning that an outbreak will “spread like wildfire.” Many people in ICE jails and prisons have family or sponsors in the U.S., with whom they could live and, if necessary, quarantine safely. Likewise, people in CBP custody could be released to family, community sponsors, or shelters with proper precautions in place

There has perhaps never been a more urgent time for ICE and CBP to reduce the number of people they’re holding in detention — this is a health crisis and prevention and containment is key. Already, at least two staff members and one detained individual at immigration jails in New Jersey and Texas have tested positive for COVID-19, potentially putting at risk hundreds of detained people and staff.

Our nation’s collective health depends on the Trump administration following the advice of doctors, scientists and public health experts. These experts are telling us that social distancing is necessary to curb COVID-19. They are also telling us that access to adequate healthcare is critical. None of these are options for people trapped in immigration detention, and for the officers and staff who have to report to work. We know this is wrong. ICE and CBP must do the responsible thing: reduce the number of people in detention, starting with the most vulnerable, to keep them safe from COVID-19 before it is too late.



Published March 25, 2020 at 11:28PM
via ACLU https://ift.tt/2UhJQFr

ACLU: Living with COVID — in an Immigration Jail

Living with COVID — in an Immigration Jail

Many of us are scared for our families and friends right now because of COVID-19. Every day we learn new information about the virus. Today we know that all of us, even the young and healthy, are at risk of this disease and serious complications from it. We cope and try to make ourselves safer, whether by social distancing, washing our hands more, or eating nutrition-packed meals.

But people in government custody — including the 37,000 immigrants held in immigration jails and prisons throughout the country, and thousands more held near the border — don’t have these options.  They are being held in deadly conditions. That is why in addition to calling on public officials to downsize prisons and jails in the criminal legal system, the ACLU is calling on the government to utilize all available options to reduce the number of people in immigration detention. Ultimately, no one, whether they are a citizen or an immigrant, should be forced to live in conditions that imperil their lives during this public health crisis.

Immigrants in government custody are forced to live, sleep, and eat together. Some spend nearly all day in large rooms filled with closely packed bunk beds, or just long concrete benches. Others live in dank two-person cells, sometimes with minimal ventilation. Dozens of people share toilets and showers, sometimes with no divider and without disinfection between use. Social distancing is not an option. With everything we’ve learned from the Centers for Disease Control, we know these conditions are dangerous, even deadly.

For immigrants in detention, the tools for basic hygiene aren’t available either. Many people don’t have access to soap, let alone hand sanitizer. In Border Patrol stations, many immigrants are detained in overcrowded cells without ready access to sinks and showers. Detained people have described feeling like “sitting ducks, waiting to be infected.” One detained man in New Jersey said he and others were on a hunger strike to try to obtain soap and toilet paper — and that guards reportedly said, “Well, you’re going to have to die of something.”

It can be hard if not impossible to get medical attention, including access to previously prescribed medications. For example, it is not uncommon for detained immigrants to be given Tylenol for serious illnesses, including HIV and pneumonia. It’s no wonder that since October, 10 people have died in ICE custody. And over the past two years, at least seven children have died in CBP custody or shortly after being released, many after receiving delayed medical care or being denied care altogether.

The ACLU has long said that the vast majority of people in immigration jails are being detained unnecessarily. They are being held for processing at the border, or are awaiting their immigration hearings or another administrative action — yet they have completely lost their liberty. COVID-19 lays bare the injustice, and the often life-or-death stakes, of their detention. As public health experts have already stated, “social distancing through release is necessary to slow transmission of infection.” ICE and CBP must immediately start reducing the number of people in detention, starting with the most vulnerable, to prevent the continued spread of COVID-19 to both people in immigration jails, and the staff who work in them.

We are far from alone in raising the alarm bells on this. There is an “imminent risk to the health and safety of immigrant detainees,” according to physicians who have investigated immigration prisons on behalf of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and are experts in the field of detention health. They’ve warned that once an outbreak occurs in immigration detention, it will spread quickly and have a devastating impact.

Mass incarceration of immigrants also risks the health and safety of the people who work in these facilities, as well as the communities they return home to. Last week, ICE told Congress it would “utilize alternatives to detention, as appropriate,” but an ICE official later reportedly clarified, “there has been no announcement related to releasing individuals that are currently detained.”

We don’t know how serious the government is about utilizing alternatives. But we do know that options for reducing detention are already on the table. As we pointed out in our lawsuit,
Dawson v. Asher, DHS could use its parole authority to release people on medical grounds, including people whom the CDC and other medical experts have identified are particularly at risk: those over 50 and those who have an underlying medical condition, such as lung or heart disease.
DHS has a range of options to release people from detention: on bond, humanitarian parole, or an alternative-to-detention program. Even a former ICE chief, John Sandweg, called on ICE to utilize its options, warning that an outbreak will “spread like wildfire.” Many people in ICE jails and prisons have family or sponsors in the U.S., with whom they could live and, if necessary, quarantine safely. Likewise, people in CBP custody could be released to family, community sponsors, or shelters with proper precautions in place

There has perhaps never been a more urgent time for ICE and CBP to reduce the number of people they’re holding in detention — this is a health crisis and prevention and containment is key. Already, at least two staff members and one detained individual at immigration jails in New Jersey and Texas have tested positive for COVID-19, potentially putting at risk hundreds of detained people and staff.

Our nation’s collective health depends on the Trump administration following the advice of doctors, scientists and public health experts. These experts are telling us that social distancing is necessary to curb COVID-19. They are also telling us that access to adequate healthcare is critical. None of these are options for people trapped in immigration detention, and for the officers and staff who have to report to work. We know this is wrong. ICE and CBP must do the responsible thing: reduce the number of people in detention, starting with the most vulnerable, to keep them safe from COVID-19 before it is too late.



Published March 25, 2020 at 05:58PM
via ACLU https://ift.tt/2UhJQFr

‘This Thing Grinds You Like a Mortar’: How Jessica Lustig is Fighting Coronavirus

In this intimate and moving piece for The New York Times Magazine, Jessica Lustig writes about the dystopian horror story she’s living as she cares for her husband, who has been battling Coronavirus for the past two weeks.

CK and I had settled in to watch “Chernobyl,” the HBO series about the 1986 nuclear accident and its aftermath, when T first felt sick and went to lie down in the bedroom. We stopped after three episodes. That time, when we would sit on the couch watching something together, is behind us. Now there is too much rushing back and forth, making sure T has a little dinner — just a tiny bowl of soup, just an appetizer, really, that he is unable to smell, that he fights nausea to choke down — taking his temperature, monitoring his oxygen-saturation levels with the fingertip pulse oximeter brought by a friend from the drugstore on the doctor’s advice, taking him tea, dispensing his meds, washing my hands over and over, texting the doctor to say T is worse again, standing next to him while he coughs into the covers, rubbing his knees through the blankets.

I am texting the doctor. I am texting T’s five siblings on a group chat, texting my parents and my brother, texting T’s business partner and employees and his dearest friends and mine, in loops and loops, with hearts and thankful prayer-hands emoji. He is too exhausted, too weak, to answer all the missives winging to him at all hours. “Don’t sugarcoat it for my family,” he tells me. He has asked for the gray sweater that was his father’s, that his father wore when he was alive. He will not take it off.

I run through possibilities. I’m not so worried about CK getting sick. I can nurse her too. It’s if I get sick. I show her how to do more things, where things go, what to remember, what to do if — What if T is hospitalized? What if I am? Could a 16-year-old be left to fend for herself at home, alone? How would she get what she needed? Could she do it? For how long?

The one thing I know is that I could not send her to my parents, 78 years old and nearby on Long Island. They would want her to come, but she could kill them, their dear grandchild coming forward to their embrace, radioactive, glowing with invisible incubating virus cells. No. Not them. Someone else would have to take her, someone who has a bedroom and a bathroom where she could isolate and be cared for. Someone would. I lie awake at 4 a.m., on the floor, listening, thinking, wide awake with adrenaline.

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